Author: Tusa Enache

Communities and Traditions at Bulgarians and Romanians in Dobrogea. Part 2

Bulgarian Community in Dobrogea

             The settlement of Bulgarians in this territory developed on a historical background troubled by uncertainties, that make hard to dissociate between the temporary aspect of transiting a big number of people and the tendencies to settle in one region or another (82). During the Ottoman domination, Bulgarian ethnics cohabited with Moslems, Romanians and other communities that were living then in Dobrogea. Bulgarians settled in Dobrogea before the outbreak of Russian-Turkish wars were divided in two distinct communities, grebenacs and shiscovts in reduced number (83). An pertinent author of those times acknowledges that the big number of Bulgarians was in the farthest south-eastern part of the province where since the 18th century, Bulgarians represented the largest Christian community (84). An important part of Bulgarians came from Basarabia in 19th century descending towards the southern region close to Balkan Peninsula (85). Other Bulgarian groups migrated in Dobrogea from South from the Balkan area. Bulgarians came in Dobrogea with a specific purpose and it was that to get land, this aspect being claimed by the fact that Bulgarians avoid the Danube riverbank was frequently flooded (86). Thousands of Bulgarians have migrated from Bulgaria to Basarabia. 
             In other sources, Bulgariansappear as being a very glorious ethnic group until they were completely defeated by Turkish in 1396 (87). Many of these Bulgarian ethnics have been forcibly taken by Russian armies to South Basarabia, deserted by Tatars (88). At the half of the 17th century (more exactly in 1659) in the notes of Caholic bishop Stanislav we can find Bulgarians, too among ethnicities populating Babadag. Bishop Stanislav claims that in Babadag there were around 1700 Turkish houses and  „bulgarorum, graecorum, valachorum schismaticorum domus sunt 300 circiter, animae 2000 circiter” (89). The trip of  Macarie,  Constantinople Patriarch from the second half of 17th century in Dobrogea specifies the name  Chiustenza (Constantza) from where Macarie pervades the territory reaching „in a small town of Bulgarian Christians called Iglitsa (today Iglița in the county of Tulcea) in the middle of the Danube” furthermore Macarie narrates „There is a path on the land, under Moslem domination,  but I have seen crosses raised on the waysides and on the tombs of this little town. There is a church in the town. Then, I reached in a town called Majina Matchin, on the Danube riverbanks, with 420 houses belonging to Bulgarian Christians. It is the last town under Moslem domination and it is part of Silistra pashalic. They have Turkish janitors and a kadi” (90). Precise data concerning the Bulgarians migration in Dobrogea are signalled at the beginning of 19th century when 1200 Bulgarian peasants arrive, in 1809, close to  Cocoșu Monastery, founded by mocans from Dobrogea (91). Other 1.500 Bulgarian peasants are mentioned in Babadag area after the city of tulcea has been occupied by Russian general Bulatov whose armies take this group of Bulgarians over the Danube (92). It is interesting Nicolae Bălcescu’s opinion, who travels in the Balkan peninsula in 1849 and in his correspondence with Ion Ghica claims that „nu there is no Bulgarian village from Blkans to the Danube, only Romanian villages” (93). Otherwise the Bulgarians’ immigration in Dobrogea is placed in the first half of the 19th century coming from southern of Balkan Mountains (94). A great number of Bulgarians found refuge towards the North part of Dobrogea  (95) and later on in Basarabia and Muntenia after settling „for a while in North Dobrogea close to Danube river mouths” (96). Another interesting aspect is confusion produced between Bulgarians and Gagauz,  population of Turanian origin, Christian Orthodox, through their acknowledgement they were assimilated to Slavonian space (Bulgarian). As a result many Bulgarians confirmed in the province were, actually Gagauz asimilated through their Orthodox acknowledgement and who, had started a serious  penetration starting with 18th century in southern Dobrogea. An important migration of Bulgarians starts at the end of 18th century in Russia (mostly in Basarabia). Thus between  1752-1754, 620 families migrate towards and it seems that starting with this migration, Bulgarians settle in Dobrogea. Regarding this aspect,  Iosif Boscovich in his trip to Costantinople, he goes through Dobrogea where he meets Bulgarian groups. Travelling towards Carasu (future Medgidia) Boscovich reaches Baltazichioi that was made of two suburbs: one inhabited by Turkish and th other by Christian Bulgarians (97). Another village that Boscovich mentions an dis inhabited by Turkish and Bulgarians is Taschburun, made up of 50 houses. The settlement does not exist today, probably it was situated closet o the hill having the same name that advances in the lake area called Razelm-Sinoie (98). More migrations of Bulgarian population in the Balkan Penisnula have been determinde by robberies of Cârjaliilor (99). The road of migrations towards Russia was passing through Dobrogea and starting with the 18th century wandering groups were roamming all over Dobrogea for a century and a half. In addition, migrations grow after The Peace from Iassi (1792) when groups of highwaymen used to commit cruelties and crimes all over Dobrogea (100). Constantin Brătescu located Bulgarian community after  the Moslem one in Dobrogea but with respect to the number of inhabitants he claims that not even the toponymy of the province localities „cannot admit an ancient Bulgarian population with deep roots in the Dobrogean territory” (101). The whole „flood of population directs towards Russia” (102) and the way crosses Dobrogea (103).
             The Bulgarian community established in Dobrogea as colonies that seemed to be particularly attached to this territory. The penetration of Bulgarians in Dobrogea took place in several stages. The first two stages of this migration happened during the inclusion of Dobrogea in the first and the second Bulgarian Empire which temporally fit 7th-10th centuries but also, 12th-14tth centuries with certain intermittences. Actual sources cannot scientifically demonstrate the contiunuity of Bulgarians in Dobrogea from 7th century up to 19th  century due to the lack of Slavonian toponymy in many regions of the province (104). The settlement of Bulgarians on this territory developed on a historical background troubled by all sorts of uncertainties, being hard to dissociate between the temporary aspect of the tranzit of a bug number of people and the tendencies to settle in one region or another. During the Ottoman domination, Bulgarian ethnics lived next to Moslems, Romanians and other communities that used to live in the Dobrogea region. Bulgarians settled in Dobrogea before the outbreak of Russian-Turkish wars were divided in two distinc tcommunities Grebenci and Shiscovst reduced in number (105). A pertinent author of the times claims that the big number of Bulgarians was in the farthest South-East part of the province where ever since 18th century, Bulgarians represented the greatest Christian community (106).
             Consistent Bulgarian communities settle in Dobrogea after 1850 after taking part to the Russian-Turkish from 1828-1829 hoping for the freedom of Bulgaria. This political process did not take place and Bulgarians retired from Turkish revenge settling in Muntenia and Dobrogea where they played an important part in the economical evolution of this space. After 1877 the territory form Dobrogea turns Romanian and subordinates to Romanian State authority inheriting a very interesting ethnic mosaic.              
             There was a cohabitation between Romanians, Bulgarians, Turkish, Tatars, Germans and other communities that influenced each other preserving traditions and customs we can meet even today in different communities. There are traditions that transmitted from generation to generation.
             The tradition of the Păspăliga is one of those elements sacredly kept. Thus, at Shrovetide’s Day with cheese, children that were over 5 years old used to transport by carts vegetal remnants belonging to animals gathered during winter. These remnants were taken to the outskirts of the village in a vacant place where there are other heaps of vegetal remnants.  Once the dark was coming, these heaps were set on fire at the same time making that the whole village be lighted from this fire. In the same evening, it was the custom to got o relatives where children kissed their hands and wished for „an easy fasting”. A week before this event „on the Sunday of Shrovetide at meat” there were visits at godparents, with the hen, felloe, pie and a bottle of wine. This was the ritual of Păşpăliga when people were throwing parties and used to enjoy themselves as a longer time of fast was approaching.
             Traditions of engagement at Bulgarians represent another custom that this community sacredly respected.  A good friend of the bridegroom was sent as a match maker at home at the girl’s parents, to receive their blessing. If parents agreed, the girl had to be asked three times if she accepted to get married. If the girl accepts, the engagement is official and the future bridegroom was invited, together with his family at the girl’s place.
             When it  was a feast day, the bridegroom together with his parents went to the girl’s house and used to shout: „ Do you have a girl that is to be married? We have a boy at the age of marriage.”  The future bridegroom’s family came being prepared with a beatiful kind of fancy bread, a cooked hen and a carafe with the most exquisite wine. If the girl’s parents accepted, they were invited in the house for the two families could talk.
             When there was agreement on marriage, the boy’s mother laid the table with goodies brought by visitors, giving them to the girl’s father as a sign of engagement. In the meantime thebridegroom’s father put a necklace of ducats at the girl’s neck and was giving her gifts.   In Bulgarian communities, the engagement could last even for a year, during this period remaining until the wedding the young used to see each other only on Sunday when the boy went to the girl’s house to take her to the village reel. The two spouses were happy they could build a future together and were anxious to get married. These identity aspects can represent the model of interethnic cohabitation due to Dobrogea specificity and within this cohabitation we deal with the acculturation process particular to spaces that have been colonized like Dobrogea.
             In Basarabia they settled in villages that Tatars left and also in villages close to town like Ismail, Chilia, Reni, Akermann și Chișinău (107). Russian-Turkish wars from the beginning of 19th century depopulated even more some parts of Bulgaria. Between  1801-1812 there was one of the greatest migrations around 4.000 families so in 1830 in Basarabia there were around  70.000 Bulgarians. Thus, after the above mentioned war ending in 1912,  Dobrogea becomes the center of Bulgarian nationalist actions masked by cultural actions that accelerated Bulgarians’ emigrations especially in Tulcea but also in areas surrounding this city. After the Russian-Turkish war from 1829, Russians bring entire contingents of Bulgarians to colonize Buceac and the south region of Basarabia. During emigration a part of these deported Bulgarians remained on Razelm riverside. Because of this,  Ion Ionescu de la Brad mentions at 1850 more compact  Bulgarian villages like: Caramanchioi, Caugagi, Hamangi, Ciamurli, Sariurt, Casapchioi, and Gagarlik  (108). It seems that out of strategical reasons Russians would have taken Bulgarian population from the Balkans to colonize Basarabia with a foreign population (109). The approximate number of Bulgarians was about  1194 families among which, most of Babadag counting at 1864 around 25000 souls (110). Another source confirms this aspect through the fact that the Russian-Turkish war from 1806-1812 „entire armies of Cossacks were wandering on the Dobrogean territory robbing and puting fire, not caring for Christian population or for the Turkish one. The one that could not fiind shelter wa staken prisoner and deported in Basarabia. Among them we have thousands bulgarians but also Lipovens” (111). Another researcher of Dobrogea,  I. Gușu, claims that he questioned several old Bulgarians that kept saying that they came from Târnovo, after the Russian-Turkish war from 1806-1812, settling in South Basarabia in groups made up of clans.
             The second generation of these Bulgarian families so that they may not enlist in the military service for the Tzarist army, crossed the Danube in Dobrogea (112). The English general Johmuse who travelled in Balkan 1847 gives some information upon the war from 1828-1829 and about migrations that appeared because of this war. Bulgarians had a great role then because they were in a war of attrition on their territory and served Russians as fuglemen and spies. Turkish complain they had to suffer more because of Bulgarians and not of Russians.
             Due to this, in the Treaty of Adrianople it has been decided that „aceia those who want to leave Bulgaria to got o Russia have permission even from Turkish Empire” (113). It is likely that some of them might have felt safer settling, on their emigration rad, in a remote area of Dobrogea „where Turkish administration was weaker” (114).
             In 1855 the head money has been abolished for the Non-Moslem population, having the right to wear guns but also they were forced to go to military service. Most Christians prefered, thus to pay a tax to be exempted. The application of these reformations was troubled by the outbreak of Crimea war (115). After the end of the conflict, the reformation course was resumed (116). In 19th century, it has been tried an improvement of the subjects from the West part of the Ottoman Empire. As a result, the beneficiaries of these reformations were Bulgarian traders and businessmen that took advantage of the Greek influence decline in the Ottoman capital, after Greek revolution. Besides the relative economical prosperity, Bulgarian territories benefit of a low administrative level of a high degree of local self-determination. Bulgarian committees had prcaticall entire control upon internal problems. Bulgarian peasantry, representing the majority of population benefit of an improvement of conditions due to the fact that: „the status of Bulgarian peasant was completely superior tot hat of his contemporary over the Danube, form Principalities” (117). Due to these favourable general conditions, the Ottoman Empire decided that Bulgaria could be the best place to test the chances of Tanzimat reformations.  This way, following the model of Rumelia and Bulgarian territories have been attempts to reform the Dobrogea territory, too. After the war of Crimea, there have been great administrative efforts to turn a province into a model for regions from Southern part of the Danube. In this respect, it has been taken the decision to build a railway between the Danube and the Black Sea coast to relate two strategical points  Cernavodă and Kustenge (Constantza).  In 1864, it has been founded the Danube vilayetul entrusted to a competitive reformer, Midhat Paşa. Under his administration, it was an attempt to equal Moslems and Christians, the latter one being able to become members in administrative councils.
             Midhat did his best for modernization, building up model roads, bridges, schools and farms. But he was replced after only three years. Not all his reformations had success. Many expectations have not been accomplished. His attempt to modify the way to perceive taxes was a failure (118). During  Abdul Aziz’s reign (1861-1876) reformations continued, in spite of the fact that enthusiasm for Tanzimat had decreased. In  1864 the law of vilayates (provinces) reorganized Ottoman territory  and established for Dobrogea the same administration as considered a part of the vilayet of Danube. The governors were to be helped by provincial assemblies and administrative councils, with representatives from the moslems but also from the Non-Moslems. Between  1864 and 1876 it as elaborated a new civil code, Mecelle.
After 1870, critics became stronger and stronger, from the conservatives but also from the radicals of the group. The reformation did not produce the wished result among Christian population, and the improvements proved to be expensive. To finance them, the Ottoman government made risky loans. In  1876, the State cut the refund payings of duties, facing bankruptcy. Tanzimatul could not eliminate corruption or improve the pesants’ situation. It is relevant the assertion of a well-known English researcher who said: „As far as Christian population is concerned,  reformations simply appeared too late.They could have had an effect only if they had relied on an unifying principle more efficient than that of nationalism or religion, but such a common element did not exist” (119). Except this, new measures had not been much popular anyway. Centralized institutions were hard to impose to a population that had been divided for centuries according to religious criteria, national origin or provincial loyalty and this fact deteriorated situation within empire (120). Due to these dissatisfactions, Abdul Aziz was discrowned in May 1876, being replaced by Mura V. As he was mentally unstable he was in his turn, replaced in August by  Abdul Hamid II. In 1875 there broke aut a new Balkan crisis. During this time of political instability, the Ottoman Empire had to face a new conflict that was to appear. The living ethnicities perceived these reformations as almost inexistent due to the fact that their application depended on governors from Ottoman provinces, dobrogea included. But  the gentler Ottoman legal-political regime from this part of the Empire offered motivations to ethnic communities to settle in Dobrogea.
             Thus, we have the case of Germans that reach here in three stages coming from Tzarist Basarabia due to a harsh fiscality and there started recruitment in the Tzarist army. Religiously oppressed by Russian Orthodox Church, Russian-Lipovens also reach Dobrogea after 17th century. Many Romanians cross the Danube and sit in villages on the right side of the river due to the fact that there was a fiscality and a long period of abuses of boyars from both Romanian counties, Moldavia and Muntenia. Greeks, Bulgarians, Armenians come together to develop comercial activities in Dobrogea as they had heard of a milder domination and a bearable tribute (121). The representation of administrative institutions in the collective mind, most of the times had elements of reluctance and suffering against Ottoman domination if we remember wars developed along Ottoman domination where Dobrogea turned into a theatre of military operations.  
             For  a while they isolated from the rest of the surrounding localities, but as time went by they started to outline kinship of Greeks with Bulgarians from other villages according to information given by a researcher at the beginning of the 29th century. It is about Nichita Bonciug, asserting that „the Greeks, avoided by the inhabitans of neighbouring villages, marry only Greek or Bulgarian women  from the village for an extended period; Bulgarians bring girls from other villages, too but only very rarely, girls refusing to go to the Greeks: (122). Thereby, it appeared the most compact rural Greek community from Dobrogea.
             In the city of Constantza there have been reviewed  4.616 Greeks, in Tulcea 3.127, in Caliacra 1.027, and in Durostor 216 Greeks (123). This beginning moment of Greek  community is relative because the arrival of the Greeks in Romania has a long, previous history, for over a century, with negative connotations, ever since Phanariot reigns. As a matter of fact, Greeks have been the first Europeans,  that apprehended and took advantage in Balkans of the fall of the Ottoman Empire, with a strong asserting enthusiasm of independence (124). There was a time when following the rules of church, trade and Occidental offices,  Romanian Counties  felt a severe time of material shortages caused also by some boyar reigning families. Thus, families of Cantacuzino, Mavrocordat, Ghica, Duca, Şuţu, all of Greek origin, with reigns bought on credit, by corrupting Ottoman administration from Istambul, they had in plan only money-making with terrible long-terme effects for the State. Dimitrie Drăghicescu, who analyses the Greek influence observes that between  1658-1711 out of 19 reigns of Moldavia, 14 were Greek and only 8 Romanian. The situation is the same in Muntenia, in the same period there are 9 reigns out of which 7 greek and only 2 Romanian. And Şerban Cantacuzino’s claim, turned into Prince of Muntenia, to reconquer Byzantium and to reestablish Greek Empire on the ruins of the Ottoman one is well-known. This was only the old idea of „megali ideea” of Greek highsociety across 17th and 18th centuries.But, after 1830, the Greek culture and civilization from the Balkans,  that for while Romanians accepted with pleasure, will lose its cultural nature in East Europe. 
             Thus, a Bulgarian researcher,  D. Hindalov, was mentioning in 1926, two groups of Bulgarian colonists established in Dobrogea as it follows: a group was made up of those that got tired on the way to Russia and the second group was made up of those that could not adapt to steppes from the northern part of the black Sea coast (125). General  Helmuth Karl Moltke (126) who travelled through Dobrogea in 1837 he wrote „the region turned into a desert without hopes. Man chased away man in this region. A quarter of villages is gone. Town literally turned into piles of rubble. Constantza had only 40 de locuitori and Hârșova, which before the war had only 4000 inhabitants, now there are no more than 30 houses” (127). Furthermore, Moltke claims the rarity of its inhabitants (around 20000 in the whole Dobrogea) and the fact that depopulation of Dobrogean space was due mainly to migrations encouraged by Tzarist Empire. He asserts that „after The Treaty of Adrianople that ensured emigration from Turkish space of those wanting to go to Russia.The one in charge with the emigration was general Roth and mostly Bulgarian population used this approval and directed towards Basarabia” (128). Ion Ionescu de la Brad claims that at the moment when he underwent the researches in Dobrogea, Bulgarians „had been settled there for 20 years” leaving unproductive lands for others more fertile that found in this country (Dobrogea n.n.) (129). Another author of ethnographic studies, the Bulgarian L. Miletici, admits that Bulgarians have been in Dobrogea  „for at least a century” (130). Moreover, the Bulgarian author claims the following realities according to which „in Romanian Dobrogea, Bulgarian population appeared duet o recent colonizations (of the 19 century) and even during Russian-Romanian-Turkish war from 1877-1878” (131). In the northern part of Dobrogea there lived the grebencs (132) mixing with other populations, especially Romanians, living together in several villages. Massive groups of Bulgarians had emigrated from  Razgrad region, from villages close to  Shumla and Provadia but also inhabitants from the mountainous area of the Balkans in Tracia called shicovts (133). In  Silistra kaza, the shicovts lived in villages: Almalău, Esechioi, Galița and Gârlița where they were mixed with Turkish.In the kazas of Tulcea and Babadag, Bulgarians had emigrated in the village of Congaz (today Rândunica-The Swallow) and the village of Cerna where the individuals  from Preslav area had emigrated. Bulgarians in the region Shumla and Provadia emigrated in the village of  Ceamurlia de Sus and the ones from Dragoevo-Preslav and  Tracia settled in Ceamurlia de Jos (134).
             Another part of Bulgarians coming from the same regions of bulgarian space settled in Pașacâșla (today Vișina), Casapchioi (today Sinoe), Sariurt (today Mihai Viteazu), Sarighiol (today Valea Nucarilor) (135).
(82) Gheorghe DUMITRAȘCU, Liliana LAZIA, op. cit., p. 103.
(83) Adrian RĂDULESCU, Ion BITOLEANU, op. cit., p. 220.
(84) Radu-Ștefan VERGATTI claims that south east was represented by the future Romanian Quadrilateral, Treaty of Romanian History, vol. VI, București, 2003, p. 99.
(85) Professor Ion Bitoleanu confirms this episode where he claims that the population of Dobrogea suddenly increased in the 19th century until the Russian-Romanian-Turkish war from 1877-1878. One of the sources of the sources of this raise was the exodus of some sheperds from Bulgarian provinces. Adrian RĂDULESCU, Ion BITOLEANU, op. cit., p. 288.
(86) Victor MORFEI, The Swamp of Ialomita , in, Annals of Dobrogea , an V și VI 1925. p. 34; Nicolae’s article to see, La Dobrogea Roumaine, Bucarest, 1919.
(87) M.D. IONESCU, op.cit. , p.326.
(88) The researcher Al. Arbore claims that respective groups were transported in great number, Alexandru ARBORE, Bulgarian Settlements, in Archives of Dobrogea, nr. V, 1916.
(89) Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium vol. XVIII also including Acta bulgariae eclesiastica , apud. Alexandru P. ARBORE, op. cit.,p. 25.
(90) The Travels of Macarius Patriarch of Antioh written by his attendant archedeacon, Paul of Allepo in Arabic, apud. Alexandru ARBORE, op. cit.p. 26.
(91) Gheorghe DUMITRAȘCU, Liliana LAZIA, op.cit., p. 103.
(92) Liubov MILETICI, Bulgarians from Dobrogea, in, Dobrogea Juna, 1, no. 24, June 151912, p.2
(93) Nicolae Bălcescu was wondering: Where are the Bulgarians? In Bulgaria there are fewer only in towns between Vidin and Niș and beyond the Balkans (...). Actually, no Bulgarian village only Romanian ones. Mail to Ion Ghica.
(94) M. D. IONESCU, op.cit., p.327.
(95) Alexandru P. ARBORE, Din etnografia Dobrogei, în „ Analele Dobrogei”, 1916, p. 29-31.
(96) Constantin N. VELICHI, Emigration of Bulgarians in Muntenia during Russian-Turkish War from 1806-1812, în, Romanoslavica, București, 1963, p.53.
(97) Iosef BOSCOVICH, Voyage de Constantinopole en Pologne, French Edition, p. 153, apud. Alexandru ARBORE, op.cit., p.27.
(98) Ibidem
(99) Cârjaliu in Turkish Kyrcali meant thief or deserted robber, in some writings they were called Daglii, mountain inhabitants or simpler highwaymen.
(100) C. JIRECEK, Geschichte der Bulgaren, p. 526, în, Z. ARBORE , Basarabia in 19 century, p. 104
(101) Constantin BRĂTESCU, art. cit., p. 237.
(102) Nicolae IORGA, Geschichte des rumanischen Volkes, vol.II, p. 203.
(103) Constantin PETRESCU, Dimitrie A. STURDZA, Acts and Relative Documnets at Romania, vol. III ,București, 1934 p.1083.
(104) George UNGUREANU,Dusk of Ottoman Domination in Dobrogea, in, Cristiana Crăciun, Gheorghe Zbughea, The Unity of Dobrogea -130 years, București, Cultural League for the Union of Romanians and Semne Publishing House, 2008, p.75.
(105) Adrian RĂDULESCU, Ion BITOLEANU, History of Dobrogea, Ex Ponto Publishing House, 1997, p. 220.
(106) Radu-Ștefan VERGATTI maintains that farthest South-East was represented by future Romanian Quadrilateral , Treaty of Romanian History , vol. VI, București, 2003, p. 99.
(107) Alexandru ARBORE, op.cit. p. 29
(108) Ion IONESCU de la BRAD, op.cit.p .91.
(109) Nicolae Iorga asserts „ The Russians’ first action in authentic and proper Basarabia had been to replace Tatars disappeared due to a Christian nation, with a Non-Romanian nation.Most particular nationsturned neighbours on this ancient Moldavian territory. Against „foreigners” the colonization office had firstly brought Germans, and even Italians, and thenArmenians, Cossaks, lIpovens and Bulgarians” Nicolae IORGA, Chilia and Cetatea Albă, București, f.e.,1915, p. 265; see also Dr. Wilhelm RULAND, Geschichte der Bulgaren, Berlin, 1911, p.61, apud. Alexandru ARBORE, op cit., p.29.
(110) Guillaume LEJAN, Etnographie de la Turquie d`Europe, Paris, 1872, p. 129; compare with M.D IONESCU, op. cit. , p.327.
(111) Paul TRAEGER, Pictures of Dobrogea, translation from German of the original work from 1918, Constanța, 2008, p.262.
(112) In Dobrogea Bulgarians settled in Tatar villages: Ienichioi, Congaz, Ciamurlia de Sus (Ali-bey), Eschibaba, Beidaud (Bey-Daod sau Bey-Daud). Romulus SEIȘAN, op.cit. p.170.
(113) Constantin PETRESCU, D.A. STURDZA, op.cit., vol. III, p. 1084-1085.
(114) Alexandru P. ARBORE, op.cit, p.33.
(115) Nicolae CIACHIR, The War for the Independence of Romania within European Context: 1875-1878, Scientific and Encyclopedic Publishing House şi Enciclopedică, Bucureşti 1977, pp.125-127
(116) Ibidem, p. 139
(117) Barbara JELAVICH, History of Balkans, vol I, p.299-300
(118) Ibidem, p.302
(119) Barbara JELAVICH, History of Balkans vol I, translated by Mihai Eugen Avădanei, European Institute ,Iaşi, 2000, p.255.
(120) Charles şi Barbara JELAVICH, Formtion of Balkan National States:1804-1920, pp. 177-178.
(121) Mihail Sadoveanu consigned the nostalgic testimony of the elderly in those places about the kindness of Ottoman Empire in peaceful times when the tribute was bearable, and the land was enough for everybody, yet remaining for the ones to come., Mihail SADOVEANU, Views of Dobrogea,Bucureşti, Socec Publishing House, 1925.
(122) Ibidem, p. 41.
(123) Valentin CIORBEA, Evolution of Dobrogea between 1918-1944, contributions to understanding geopolitical, economical, demographic, social problems, and of political and military life, Ex Ponto Publishing House, Constanța 2005, p. 250.
(124) In 17th century in South East Europe, during Ottoman domination, Orthodoxism of Greek Monarchs had a great freedom of movement, together with a process of national alienation of religious institutions from their countries. Cornelia PAPACOSTEA- DANIELOPOLU, Greek Communities in Romania, Bucureşti, 1996, p.65.
(125) George UNGUREANU, art. cit, p. 77.
(126) Acesta este amintit de Paul Traeger ca fiind medic în armata rusă și participant la campania din Dobrogea care a trecut prin: Balcik, Mangalia, Constanța, Beidaud, Babadag. Cu această ocazie oferită de campanie Maximilian Heine scrie o carte intitulată Imagini din Turcia, unde se pare că sunt consemnate aceste informații despre migrațiile bulgare.
(127) Paul TRAEGER, op. cit. p. 263.
(128) Paul TRAEGER , Ibidem, p.263.
(129) Ion IONESCU de la BRAD, op.cit. p. 92
(130) Miletici susține că cele mai noi așezări ale bulgarilor au fost înființate de emigranții din regiunile Șumla, Provadia și Razgrad la puțin timp după 1800 și mai cu seamă după 1828. Autorul susține că „în afară de găgăuți și de puține colonii grecești, restul populației creștine din județele Varna, Balcic, Dobrici, și în mare parte din județele Novi-Bazar și Curtbunar și Silistra precum și din întreaga Dobroge este o colonizare de dată recentă care nu este mai veche de un secol iar în cazuri extreme nu trece de 150 de ani.”
(131) M. MILETISCH, Das ost-bulgarische, Schifren der Balkan-Kommission, Ling Abth. Vienne, 1903, col 19,23 , apud . Romulus SEIȘANU, op.cit. p. 171.
(132) They hadas distinctive sign the comb and they had found shelter over the Danube in villages of Ciacu and Ciocănești from Ialomita, Adrian RĂDULESCU, Ion BITOLEANU, op. cit., p. 293.
(133) Ibidem, p. 294.
(134) Ibidem.
(135) Ibidem, p. 295.

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